1931 January 1 The Nazi Brown House officially opens in Munich. ¹

Hitler has a "work-room" (Arbeitszimmer) in the Brown House, but never does any work there; it is all for show. Hitler's favorite spot at the Brown House is the refreshment room in the basement, where a "Fuehrer Table" under a portrait of Dietrich Eckart is set up. The official portrait of the Fuehrer is on display at the Brown House, with the caption: "Nothing happens in this movement, except that which I wish." A bust of Mussolini, pictures of Frederick the Great, Martin Luther, and Henry Ford—a famous anti-Semite much admired by the Nazis—and a monumental painting of the List Regiment's 1914 battle in Flanders are among the decorations in this tastelessly over-plush monstrosity. The SA "blood flags" are also displayed here. Various party business offices occupy the second and third floors. Hess, Goebbels, Strasser, and Himmler, among many other functionaries, have cubicle-offices on the second floor. ²

1931 January 4 Goebbels gossips to his diary: "Frau v. D. (Victoria von Dirksen) tells me that G. [Göring[ has again succumbed to morphine. This is terrible. One cannot even be angry with him anymore because his restlessness is just a result of his condition. I will look after him a bit." ³

1931 January 5 Introduced by Göring, whom he had first met just a few weeks earlier, Hjalmar Schacht meets Hitler for the first time, at a New Year party at Göring's home. Among the other guests are Fritz Thyssen, Goebbels, and Ernst Röhm. ⁴

From Schacht's IMT testimony:

At the beginning of January, my wife and I dined with Göring and his wife, one evening at their home and, on that occasion, Fritz Thyssen was also invited. It had been planned that Hitler should come also and talk with us. I say again now that Göring’s apartment was extremely modestly and simply styled. We had a plain pea soup, and bacon, and particularly Göring’s first wife made an excellent impression. After supper Hitler appeared, and the ensuing conversation was conducted in such a way that, let us say, 5 per cent of it was contributed by us, and 95 per cent by Hitler. What he said concerned national questions, in which he agreed absolutely with us. No extravagant demands were stated but, on the other hand, the national necessities of Germany were definitely emphasized.

In social questions, Hitler expressed a number of good ideas. He was especially intent on avoiding class struggle and, on eliminating strikes, lock-outs, and wage disputes, by decisive intervention of the State in labor relations, and the direction of economic affairs. There was no demand for abolishing private enterprise, but merely for influence in its conduct. It seemed to us, these ideas were quite reasonable and acceptable. Aside from that, he revealed practically no knowledge in the field of economy and financial policy, though on that evening, he did not claim to know anything about these subjects. He merely asked that we as representatives of economy should have understanding for his ideas and give him factual advice. That was the purpose of that evening . . . .

The National Socialist Party, at that time, was one of the strongest parties in the Reichstag, with 108 seats, and the National Socialist movement throughout the country was extremely lively. Consequently, I was more or less interested in making the acquaintance of the leading men of this movement, whom up to then, I did not know at all. Herr Göring wished me to meet Hitler, or Hitler to meet me. I was uninformed about the intentions of these two gentlemen at that time. However, I can imagine that it was just as much a matter of interest for these gentlemen to meet Herr Schacht, as it was for me to meet Herr Hitler and Herr Göring . . . . As far as I was concerned, I was only interested in seeing what kind of people they were. What motives these two gentlemen had are unknown to me . . . . Until July 1932 I saw Hitler and Göring, each of them, perhaps once, twice, or three times . . . . But in any case, there is no question of any frequent meetings.

Gregor Strasser . . . arranged my first meeting with Hitler . . . . My first conversation with Adolf Hitler was very reserved. That was not surprising as I came from a world that was entirely strange to him. I immediately received the impression of an exceptional personality. He grasped all problems with lightning speed and knew how to present them very impressively, with great fluency and highly expressive gestures. He had the habit of then becoming absorbed in the problems, in long monologues, so to speak, in this way lifting the problems to a higher sphere. At that time I explained to him my economic ideas and told him especially that I upheld the idea of private property, which for me was the fundamental tenet of my economic policy and which was inseparable from the concept of the varying potentialities of human beings.

He, himself, heartily concurred with me and said that his theory of economics was also based on selectivity, that is, the principle of individual productivity and the creative personality; and he was very glad that I wanted to work on those lines in the Party and to arrange contacts and support for him in the economic field—which I actually did. In the meantime, however, my relations with the Fuehrer became no closer then, because he said to me himself, "I cannot, at present, commit myself to an economic policy; and the views expressed by my economic theorists, such as Herr Gottfried Feder, are not necessarily my own." ⁹

I am accused of being too cowardly to fight illegally. I am certainly not too cowardly for that. I am only too cowardly to lead the SA to face machine-gun fire. We need the SA for more important things, namely for the construction of the Third Reich. We'll keep to the constitution and will still come to our goal. The constitution prescribes the right to come to power. What means we use is our concern. ¹⁷

Long live legality! Makes you want to vomit! Now we'll have to come up with new methods. That will be very difficult. Added to which the crisis with the SA and socialism. We have reason to be unhappy. We've made many mistakes, above all, too much dealing with the enemy. Now they have swindled us. That goes on Göring's account. ²¹

I'm reeling from anxiety, lack of rest, irritation, fury and indignation. I'm nearly at the end with my nerves. These trials are killing me . . . . My desk is piled high with summonses. It makes you puke! But I won't lose my nerve. That's what the enemy wants. ²⁴

I know the SA people have been a rough and ready lot in the past . . . But from now on, you just watch! My men will be quiet and disciplined and orderly. My job is to prevent the millions of German unemployed from coming under Communist influence as they easily might. I want to turn them, instead, into an orderly citizen force for the defense of Germany against the internal and external Bolshevik enemy . . . . I am removing the rowdy undisciplined from the SA. A little cleansing is good for all such armies. ²⁶

If a proletarian brutally tells me what he thinks, I can cherish the hope that some day this brutality can be turned inward the enemy. When a bourgeois indulges in daydreams of culture, civilization and aesthetic joys for the world, I say to him: "You are lost to the German nation! You belong in Berlin's West End! Go there, dance your nigger dances till you're worn out, and croak!" ²⁷

I have never left any doubt that I demanded from the SA men the strict observance of the path of legality, and, if this veto on illegality was anywhere violated, then the leaders concerned have always been brought to account . . . . Acts of violence have never been contemplated by our Party, nor has the individual SA man ever wished for them . . . . We stand absolutely as hard as granite on the ground of legality. ³⁰

We are the hungry toilers, a strong courageous band.
We grip our rifles firmly, in sooty, callused hand.
The Storm Troops stand at ready, the racial light to lead.
Until the Jews are bleeding, we know we are not freed. ⁴⁰

At that time the leadership of the party held completely contradictory and confused views on economic policy. I tried to accomplish my mission by personally impressing on the Führer and the party that private initiative, self-reliance of the businessman, the creative powers of free enterprise, et cetera, be recognized as the basic economic policy of the party. The Führer personally stressed time and again during talks with me and industrial leaders to whom I had introduced him, that he was an enemy of state economy and of so-called "planned economy" and that he considered free enterprise and competition as absolutely necessary in order to gain the highest possible production. ⁴⁵

In the summer of 1931 our Führer suddenly decided to concentrate systematically on cultivating the influential economic magnates . . . . In the following months he traversed Germany from end to end, holding private interviews with prominent personalities. Any rendezvous was chosen, either in Berlin or in the provinces, in the Hotel Kaiserhof or in some lonely forest-glade. Privacy was absolutely imperative, the Press must have no chance of doing mischief. Success was the consequence. ⁴⁶

Never in my life have I been as well disposed and inwardly contented as in these days. For in these days hard reality has opened the eyes of millions of Germans to the unprecedented swindles, lies, and betrayals of the Marxist deceivers of the people. In these days, great masses have seen, perhaps for the first time, who was right: the Young Plan swindlers, or the men of the Young Plan popular protest. In these days, therefore, I have righty felt happy and content, while conversely fear and consternation have crawled up the necks of the party and newspaper swindlers of the Young Front. ⁵¹

We were not loved everywhere. When we have done our duty we may be stood in the corner; we should expect no thanks. But our Führer knows the value of the SS. We are his favorite and most valuable organization because we have never let him down . . . . Perhaps it will be months or perhaps only days before the decision comes. We shall stand where our Führer stations us. ⁵³

I was much struck by the emptiness of the streets and the unnatural silence hanging over the city, and particularly by an atmosphere of extreme tension similar in many respects to that which I observed in Berlin in the critical days immediately preceding the war. ⁵⁶

Off to Mumau. Lodging in Seehausen. Boss, Geli, Mrs. Raubal and I. First, a lot of people, then completely to ourselves. Walk during the quiet evening. Boss talks about the war. Early to bed. Up in the morning at six. Spent a beautiful morning going up the mountain roads to Oberammergau. The Passion plays begin at eight . . . I am most pleasantly [surprised], A natural stage. Colors, [the] magnificent voices of the people. Christ and Mary Magdalene great. St. John full of charm. Sometimes a bit kitschy . . . swarming with party comrades. Thunderstorm in Starnberg and return home." ⁵⁷

My dear Mr. Rosenberg: I am just reading in the Völkischer Beobachter, edition 235/236, page 1, an article entitled Does Wirth intend to come over? The tendency of the article is to prevent on our part a crumbling away from the present form of government. I myself am travelling all over Germany to achieve exactly the opposite. May I therefore ask that my own paper will not stab me in the back with tactically unwise articles. Persons, who are known to seek connection or are even prepared to break from the present constellation, are to be spared under all circumstances. Our fight is to be directed in the first line against the stubborn defenders of the present course and against persons who reject us. I ask therefore the Völkischer Beobachter—as well as the Party Press Office—to pay punctilious attention to this in the interest of our work. ⁶¹

I am employed in Hitler's household as housekeeper. This morning, at nine-thirty, my wife told me that something must have happened to Raubal, because the door to her room was locked and Hitler's pistol that was kept in the side room in an unlocked cabinet was no longer there. I knocked on her door repeatedly, but got no answer. I became suspicions and, at ten o'clock, I took a screwdriver and opened the closed two-winged door by force. It was locked from the inside, and the key was still in the keyhole. When I opened the door, my wife, Mrs. Reichert and Anna Kirmair were present. After I had opened the door, I entered the room and found Raubal there, lying dead on the floor. She had shot herself. I can give no reason why she shot herself.

On September 18, 1931, at around three in the afternoon, I heard Raubal's door being locked . . . . A short while later, I heard a small noise coming from Raubal's room, as if something had been knocked over. I paid no particular attention to it. At around ten in the evening, I wanted to prepare Raubal's bed, but found the door to her room still locked. Upon knocking, I received no answer, and I thought Raubal had gone out . . . for what reason she took her life, I cannot state. [Sigmund p. 138.] Anna Winter: At around three in the afternoon, on September 18, 1931, I saw Miss Raubal go into Hitler's room greatly upset, and then hurry back to her own room. I thought it strange. Now I think that she fetched the gun from Hitler's room . . . why Raubal took her own life, I do not know.

The body lay in the room, which had only one entrance and a window looking down on Prinzregentenplatz, face down on the floor, in front of the sofa, upon which we found a 6.35-mm Walther pistol. Police doctor Müller determined that death had been caused by a punctured lung, and based on the stage of rigor mortis, had occurred a number of hours before [seventeen or eighteen]. It was a close shot, placed directly against the skin in the dress opening and penetrating the body above the heart, which was not damaged. The bullet had not left the body, but was to be felt under the skin on the left side of the back, somewhere above the hip level. ⁶⁴

[Hitler said that] his niece had been enrolled in medical school, but then had lost interest and began to study singing. She had been about to perform somewhere soon, but felt she was not quite ready and wanted to take additional lessons with a professor in Vienna. He [Hitler] had agreed to it, provided that her mother, who was living in Berchtesgaden, joined her in Vienna and when she did not want to do that, he had jettisoned the Vienna plan. She must have been angry at that, but did not appear particularly upset when he left on his trip Friday afternoon, and had quite calmly said goodbye to him. She once said, after participating in a seance that involved the levitation of a table, that she would probably not die a natural death. ⁶⁵

Here Sleeps Our Beloved Child
Geli
She was Our Ray of Sunshine
Born 4 June 1908—died 18 September 1931
The Raubal Family

A 23-year-old female private student committed suicide in an apartment in Bogenhausen—the unfortunate young woman—Angela Raubal—was the daughter of Adolf Hitler's stepsister . . . there is no information as to her motive. One interpretation is that Miss Raubal met a singer in Vienna, but her uncle prohibited her from returning there. Other sources claim that the unhappy young woman killed herself because she was scheduled to appear soon in public as a singer, but did not yet feel ready. ⁶⁹

On Friday, September 18, Mr. Hitler and his niece had another very heated argument. What was the reason? The vivacious 23-year-old music student Geli wanted to go to Vienna. She wanted to get engaged. Hitler was strongly against it. The two had repeated arguments over that. After a violent scene, Hitler left his apartment . . . On Saturday, it was reported that Miss Geli had been found shot in the apartment. She had Hitler's pistol in her hand . . . The deceased's nose was broken . . . and the body also showed other injuries . . . gentlemen from the Brown House [headquarters of the NSDAP Barlow Palace] were deliberating [after the body had been found] as to what should be published about the motive for the deed. They agreed that Geli's death should be attributed to her frustrated artistic aspirations. ⁷⁰

1. It is incorrect to say that I "constantly quarreled" with my niece Angela Raubal or had a heated argument on Friday, September 18, 1931 or earlier. The truth is that I had no kind of quarrel or dispute with my niece.

2. It is incorrect to say that I was "against" my niece's traveling to Vienna. The truth is that I was never opposed to my niece's planned trip to Vienna.

3. It is untrue that my niece was planning to get engaged in Vienna or that I had any objection to the engagement of my niece. It is true that my niece, agonizing over not being talented enough for a public performance, wanted to go to Vienna to have a leading speech therapist test her voice more thoroughly.

4. It is untrue to say that I left my apartment on September 18, 1931, "following a heated argument." There had been no scene and no disturbance when I left my apartment that day. ⁷¹

In certain towns the Communist Party has been expelling some of its [Communist activists] in order to infiltrate them as spies into SS formations . . . . Captain Ehrhardt, Commander of the officially disbanded Viking Corps, has recently become very active once more. In close cooperation with Government circles and under nationalist cover, he is preparing to form a Free Corps; to judge from the manner in which it is being recruited and in view of Captain Ehrhardt's former attitude, its object must be to destroy the NSDAP. ⁷⁶

The most regrettable feature of all is that the last instrument which is still sound in its general outlook—the instrument on which you alone can still today rely for support—the Army—is now involved through its representatives in the Government directly and indirectly in these struggles . . . . For us the Army is the expression of the strength of the nation for the defence of its national interests abroad. For you, Herr Chancellor Brüning, it is in the last resort an institution for the defence of the Government at home. The triumph of our ideas will give the entire nation a political and philosophical outlook which will bring the Army in spirit into a truly close relationship to the whole people and will thus free it from the painful circumstance of being an alien body within its own people. The consequence of your view, Herr Chancellor, will be an obligation on the part of the Army to uphold a political system which in its traditions and inmost views is the deadly opponent of the spirit of an army. And so finally, whether deliberately or not, the Army will be stamped with the character of a police-troop designed more or less for internal purposes. ⁸⁰

The Führer said to me that he would very much like to have a direct representative who was independent of a party office and who could carry out political negotiations. This person was not to be tied to any particular party office. He asked me whether I would take over this function, especially as I was living in the capital of the Reich anyway. I took over this commission—it was not an office, but rather a commission of a general nature. In a few sentences he gave me the liberty to negotiate with all parties from the Communists to the extreme rightists, in order, let us say, to undertake specific joint action in the Reichstag, or other suitable political steps. Naturally, also I was given in this connection the task of effecting the dissemination and the penetration of our ideals in all circles. To these circles belonged, as has already been mentioned, the industrial and intellectual groups. Since I had connections with and access to all these circles, it was quite natural that the Führer considered me specially suited for this task, as he could depend upon me absolutely in this respect and knew that I would use all my powers to advance our ideas. ⁸²

After the student meeting at Graz in 1931, the success of which was very surprising to Hitler, I had a conference with him. In the course of that meeting, Hitler mentioned a conversation we had had previously. At that time he had asked me how it came about that the National Socialist University Movement was developing so quickly, whereas the other National Socialist organizations lagged behind in their development.

I told him at that time that one cannot lead youth organizations as an appendix of a political party; youth has to be led by youth, and I developed for him the idea of a youth state, that idea which had come to me from experiencing the school community, the school state. And thereupon in 1931 Hitler asked me whether I would like to assume the leadership of the National Socialist Youth Organization. This included youth cells, then the Hitler Youth and the National Socialist Students Organization, which also was in existence at that time. Several men had already tried their hand at the leadership of these organizations: the former Oberstfuehrer SA Leader Pfeffer, the Reichsleiter Buch, actually without much result.

I agreed and became then Reich Youth Leader of the NSDAP, temporarily a member of the staff of the Oberst SA Leader Röhm. In that position, as Reich Youth Leader of the NSDAP in the staff of Röhm, I had the rank of an SA Gruppenführer and kept that rank also when, half a year later, I became independent in my position. ⁸⁶

In Schleicher's view, Hitler knows very well how to distinguish between the demagogy suitable to a young Party, and the needs of national and international life. He has already moderated the actions of his troops on more than one occasion, and one can secure more from him. Faced with the forces he controls, there is only one policy to adopt—to use him and win him over, foreseeing with some reason the loss of the revolutionary wing of his party . . . . It is the Jugendbewegung (youth movement), it can't be stopped. ⁸⁸

Wait a while and just you'll see,
Brüning will come up to you
With the ninth emergency decree
And make mincemeat out of you. ⁹¹

You yourself, Herr Chancellor, jealously see to it that only the Government is permitted liberty of action in Germany; and thus there arises of necessity the limitation of the opposition to the sphere of criticism, of speech . . . . The Government, Herr Chancellor, can act. It can prove the Tightness of its views by deeds. And it takes jealous care that no one else shall enjoy such possibilities. What then, Herr Chancellor, remains for us but speech, to bring to the knowledge of the German nation our views on the ruinous character of your plans, or the errors which underlie them, and the disasters which must ensue? . . . .

You refuse, as a "statesman", to admit that if we come to power legally we could then break through legality. Herr Chancellor, the fundamental thesis of democracy runs: "All power issues from the People." The constitution lays down the way by which a conception, an idea, and therefore an organization, must gain from the people the legitimation for the realization of its aims. But in the last resort it is the People itself which determines its Constitution.

Herr Chancellor, if the German nation once empowers the National Socialist Movement to introduce a Constitution other than that which we have today, then you cannot stop it . . . . When a Constitution proves itself to be useless for its life, the nation does not die—the Constitution is altered. ⁹³

I admire the calm and assurance with which the English nation is combating its difficulties. This nation has no nerves and in this it is setting the world an example . . . . England herself is beginning to feel the pressure of the present situation . . . . The economic and political pressure from Paris is becoming intolerable . . . . now [is the] time for England as well as the rest of us, to offer resistance. ⁹⁵

In England at present a significant shift in public opinion is taking place. France with her military and financial policy is making herself responsible for all the world's wrongs. In America and Italy, as well, the anti-French tendency is growing from day to day, yes, we might even say from hour to hour. The untenable position of the world market literally forces the other states into a defensive front against the former beneficiary of the present state of affairs, and that is France.

Every S.S. man who aims to get married must procure for this purpose the marriage certificate of the Reichsführer S.S. S.S. members who though denied marriage certificates marry in spite of it, will be stricken from the S.S.; they will be given the choice of withdrawing. The working-out of the details of marriage petitions is the task of the Race Office of the S.S. The Race Office of the S.S. directs the Clan Book of the S.S., in which the families of S.S. members will be entered after the marriage certificate is issued. The Reichsführer S.S., the manager of the Race Office, and the specialists of this office are duty bound on their word of honour to secrecy . . . . It is clear to the S.S. that with this command it has taken a step of great significance. Derision, scorn, and failure to understand do not move us; the future belongs to us! (Signed) Heinrich Himmler. ⁹⁸

 
 
 





Written by Walther Johann von Löpp

Copyright © 2011-2013 All Rights Reserved
 

Edited by Levi Bookin — Copy Editor

European History and Jewish Studies



 
 
 
 
 



  
  
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